Category Archives: Uncategorized

What CASCAIDr’s been up to in it’s first month

CASCAIDr has been open a month and aside from a load of admin and responding to well-wishers, we’ve fielded requests for advice and support from about 25 people, asking either on their own behalf, or for loved ones.

We could already do with some more volunteers with social work skills to speak to people who are struggling – only about an hour or two at a time, and only on the phone, at a time that’s been booked, with details in advance. And you can always say no, if you can’t manage it. Please sign up on our site on under ‘Volunteer’

We’ve also been approached by advocacy groups, providers and social care staff who are directly concerned about the legality of the decisions they’re involved in. We want professionals to go up the legal literacy learning curve too, so this is great news!

The charity is already building up a picture of behaviours which go against the spirit and in some cases, the actual letter of the law as set out in the Care Act.

We’re going to do a series of live facebook video posts about these, all anonymously and at the level of principle, of course, but hoping to bring the issues to life, and generate donations to keep us going!

If anyone can offer us publicity on a national or regional scale, without insisting on photos of the people being assisted, please get in touch to or .com

The range of issues we have been asked to assist with includes:

  • A sizeable claim for retrospective payment to compensate for mis-assessed entitlement to CHC status
  • Complex psychiatric hospital discharge arrangements involving the need for CoP authorisation of deprivation of liberty within a Community Treatment Order.
  • Dodgy supported living arrangements where the Care Provider makes the nominations of tenants to the landlord and the client has to have the care commissioned on a fully shared care basis.
  • Threats to direct payments: both to amounts and management arrangements.
  • Missing assessments and reviews dating back to before the Care Act, so still based on FACS, not the law.
  • Ordinary residence issues in the context of a Shared Lives client.
  • Cost capping of the offer of home care if the person won’t accept a care home
  • Proposed cuts of over 40% on the current package, with no explanation or any justification other than austerity…
  • Shenanigans over fees being re-negotiated behind the scenes by a commissioner, without regard to the impact on a user’s care plan contents or quality of provision
  • Disputed liability (as between adults and children’s services) for helping a disabled parent care for her baby whilst under 2 yrs old.
  • A claim for unlawful detention arising out of a council simply failing to delay urgent authorisations into standard ones under the DoLS process (where the provider has conducted the so-called safeguarding enquiry).
  • Pressure on carers to keep on caring, no matter what the impact on them.
  • Refusal to increase a person’s direct payment, covering care at night time, on account of the new interpretation of the working time directive regarding sleep-ins
  • The DB Service’s decision to bar a person with a conviction when a teen, from volunteering with vulnerable adults, when he himself has a disability and was not given an advocate on referral to Safeguarding of a recent concern.
  • A care home struggling to tell the difference between self funders and full cost paying council clients, and thus not knowing who owes what to whom…

Please do download our information as to what we’re about, try to put it up on council Advice and Information services, and help us level the playing field – just a little! CASCAIDr Q and A 2018

Services to support an eligible disabled parent look after a baby – should the Adults’ or the Children’s services budget fund the meeting of needs? Or neither?

Would anyone care to engage with CASCAIDr, the charity, on an interesting stance we’ve come across in our first month – on a council NOT paying for services for a parent whose disability renders them unable to achieve the discharge of her responsibilities to a child?

Here’s the scenario:

A council says ‘You’re a long term physically disabled client of ours, we accept that. You have had a baby. That is a change of circumstances and we will review your plan. You can have 12 hours extra input a week on top of your own care plan for 8 weeks. Then we’ll hand the matter over to Children’s Services.’

After 8 weeks, the Early Years team notes that the child seems to be doing fine, so far, and conveys to the mother that the Early Years Panel isn’t likely to agree to fund ongoing services even if the child counts as a Child in Need under s17 of the Children Act.

The mother goes back to Adults’ Services which then says no, you cannot have any extra help. This is because ‘the father shares parental responsibility with you’.

The father is present within the family unit. He has reduced his paid hours of employment since the baby was born. The implication is that he should be doing more at home for this baby – the council will not say that he should give up work, but they are signposting the couple to paid child-care. However, he is the breadwinner for the couple. The relationship between the new parents has developed on the footing that the man will earn the money, and the woman will shoulder most of the responsibility for the baby whilst she is under 2 – which is a pretty commond arrangement for child care, in many families, in modern Britain.

This woman’s health is deteriorating given the extra difficulty the care of the baby involves on top of her own physical disabilities.

So, what does your council say, in relation to meeting need of this sort, after applying the eligibility regulations for adults’ social care, and having found that the woman’s condition makes her unable to achieve (applying the stretched definition which incorporates achieving but only with significant pain, distress, anxiety or taking significantly longer than others normally would, on a given outcome):

“(j) carrying out any caring responsibilities the adult has for a child.”

– We don’t do this, it’s a children’s services responsibility?
– We won’t meet these needs, if our children’s services team WILL pick it up? But we can’t make them, and we will just leave it to the client to challenge that stance if they say no.
– We can’t afford to provide what is in effect child care for children of a disabled parent, unless the child is at risk?
– We will meet these needs if we can charge your household the full cost of the services we arrange.

Where does the Care Act, or the regulations or the statutory guidance, allow for any of those stances, please?

Answers can be sent to – that charity wants to know what YOUR council is doing about this.

We think it’s an error of law, a fettering of discretion, irrational and a breach of statutory duty. Does anyone care to disagree, by reference to legal principle?

Adult Social Care Myths to be busted by @CASCAIDr during its fundraising campaign 4-15 December

These are our favourites but we’ll vary them if there is a big demand for some others we’ve not yet come across: please email with your nominations

• You can’t have an assessment – you couldn’t possibly qualify!
• You can’t have an assessment unless you try prevention and re-ablement first (for years!)

• You can’t have an assessment until you actually come here to live, and have arrived!
• You can’t get social care at all, if you’ve got more than £23,250 in savings

• You can’t get an advocate if you’ve got anyone else who’s able to speak for you
• You can’t get an advocate unless you are mentally incapacitated

• You can’t get an advocate because we haven’t got any spare at the moment – let’s just get on with your assessment, shall we?
• You can’t count as a carer if your relative is already in a care home, in supported living, in hospital or if they are on Continuing Health Care or s117 Mental Health Act aftercare

• Sorry, we don’t ‘do’ shopping, cleaning, recreation, meal preparation or night time care, any longer…it’s not social care, you see, because everyone has these needs…and there’s benefits for all that stuff
• If you’re a carer, you will have to make do with a set sum of money for your support needs, because that’s what we’ve always done

• If you disagree with the budget we offer you, we don’t have to give you any service in the meantime
• If you complain, we have to suspend the care planning process until that’s been finished

• We can decide whether your care and support needs are met or not, even if we don’t pay for anything after the assessment in which we found you were eligible…
• We can cap respite to a set amount per year and charge carers for it

• We can change your care plan and cut the funding whenever our own funding gets cuts from central government or our own budget looks wobbly
• We can tell you at your review how much we’re going to cut your budget by, without any other process or negotiation

• If you’re a person with a learning disability, you have to live in shared care to get our services, even if that means moving into a tenancy we’ve secured for you…
• If you live in one of the tenancies we can secure for you, you have to abide by house rules about friends coming back for the night

• You can only have a direct payment for your services, if it saves us money…
• We can tell you that you have to use an agency from our preferred provider list for your direct payment funded services

• People’s relatives aren’t allowed to be paid out of a direct payment
• We can cap the level of services provided in your own home to whatever the cost of any other way of meeting your needs would be, any alternative that we can think of…

• Top-Ups aren’t lawful, so you can’t do business with us, or ever charge the client or other people anything extra
• We tell you, the provider, what the price of care is, and you have to accept our prices, and sue third parties for any top-ups that dry up!

A suggestion for CQC when it comes to scrutinise local authorities’ and CCG’s performance – why not focus on legal literacy?

Readers may be aware that CQC has started to scrutinise local authorities and CCGs in a programme of visits culminating in a report to the Secretary of State for Health. CQC normally regulates providers of care and health, but there is provision for this sort of ‘special’ review of commissioning, too, in the legal framework.

The focus is on health and social care moving forwards together, and the quality of relations between the council and everyone else: Health, the third sector providing advice and information, clients, patients, carers, providers, etc: “How well do people move through the health and social care system, with a particular focus on the interface, and what improvements could be made?”

The link between adult social care and primary care and acute and community health services is the main topic for investigation and it seems to be a review focusing only on the experience of the over 65s.

20 areas have been identified for review, which is about 15% of councils, so the sample ought to give a good picture of what’s happening nationally, by the report stage, scheduled for 2018.

The ‘maturity, capability and capacity of the local area’ will be considered, in these Local System reviews, which will take place under s48 of the Health and Social Care Act.

Section 48 (2) provides that a special review or investigation looks at —
(a) the provision of NHS care,
(b) the provision of adult social services

I think that it must have been decided that it would be better for the Secretary of State to use that s48 special review power, pro-actively, rather than have more organisations start to lobby the office, for his approval of a single review, after identifying specific complaints or trends said to be a breach of the Care Act, as happened when Equal Lives complained about Norfolk’s practice, last year.

No mention of legal literacy

One question for the project team is ‘What else needs to happen?’ in the context of relational values and the culture in a given area. But Legal Literacy is not mentioned anywhere in the Chief Executive’s briefing paper about the reviews.

My view is that legal literacy is an essential for the health of both those aspects of a system, when the staff are concerned in the delivery of statutorily underpinned judgements, on which legal rights, do, after all, turn.

I am not a specialist adviser to the project but I would like to suggest that it is time for legal literacy to be assessed as part of the competence of front line staff and management.

Evidence of awareness of the legal framework on the part of both health and social care staff should be a primary focus for the reviews.

I do not know how CQC is going to manage the reviews without mentioning legal literacy, as it is an organisation that doesn’t have to interpret or deal with the public law duties of councils any longer, apart from in this context. The reviews are likely to create awareness of a tidal wave of user discontent with the way systems actually operate in practice, outside the legal framework altogether, in lots of situations.

Why do I say that? Well, in the last year, the following are some of the stances that I have been notified of, along with the inquiry from the correspondent – “is this legal?”.

I have given up gasping at what is now landing on my desk, when all any council really needs is an understanding of why Oxfordshire won the Davey case, and why Merton lost the JF case, both cases decided this year.

Staff from the highest to the low, in both health AND social care – do need to know just a little bit about how law WORKS, if decision-making is to be accountable and defensible, as the very minimum we should be resourcing.

Examples of stances around the country:

• Before we’ve even started your re-assessment, we need to tell you that you’re not going to be able to keep that £xxx, for such and such – all that sort of stuff is going now: the Panel says so
• You can’t have an assessment from us, unless and until you actually come here to live, and have actually arrived!
• You can’t get social care if you’ve got more than £23,250 in savings, so there’s no point in being assessed…
• You can’t ever get an advocate unless you’re mentally incapacitated – and certainly not if you’ve got any relative willing to speak for you, regardless of whether you want them to
• You can’t get a Care Act advocate (even though we know you deserve one), because we haven’t got any going spare at the moment – so let’s just get on with your assessment…
• We’ll ‘involve’ you in your relative’s assessment or care planning process, just by telling you the result…
• You can’t count as a carer and get assessed for support, if your relative is already in a care home, in supported living, in hospital or if they are on CHC or s117 aftercare…
• We don’t ‘do’ shopping, cleaning, meal preparation or night time care…
• You can’t have the price of a season ticket, a gym membership, swimming lessons or the cost of any actual ‘fun’, training, instruction or membership of anything, however long we’ve been funding that sort of thing, or promising that it’s part of personalisation – it’s not social services if it’s therapeutic! Go ask your GP….
• If you’re a carer, you will have to make do with a set sum of money for meeting your support needs, because that’s what we’ve always done…
• If you’re a person with a learning disability you have to live in shared care even if that means moving into a tenancy towards which we can only point you … and you can’t use a DP to choose any other care agency than the one that’s there at the ‘scheme’ whom we’ve appointed….
• You can only have a direct payment if it saves us money … and we give everyone the minimum wage, whether or not they want to be a direct employer;
• Relatives can never be paid out of the direct payment, to do the care, even if we’ve managed the market so badly that there’s no agency with any capacity, nor anyone willing to be a PA, for minimum wage, for miles around…
• We can sue the direct payment client’s helper, in their own name, for mismanaging the money, when we ourselves overlooked the inconvenient detail that the client lacked capacity to sign the direct payment agreement, and we didn’t bother with making the helper into an Authorised Person under the regulations…
• Your relatives will have to pay a top up to keep you here in this posh home, when your capital depletes under the threshold, because we never pay the full rate of a home when it’s above our rate and we can move anyone who needs social services, regardless of the distance
• We can cost-cap the level of services we should offer you in your own home, to whatever the cost of any other way of meeting your needs would be, that we can think of … regardless of its suitability, its availability, your needs, your well-being, your wishes and feelings, your human rights and your best interests consultees’ comments on what you’d think of THAT!
• If you disagree with the budget, we don’t have to give you a service in the meantime, even though your needs have been found to be eligible…
• The CCG Panel makes the decisions about CHC, around here, regardless of what the MDT has scored or recommended – and the Fast Track patients often die before the commissioners manage to sort out care
• We don’t do joint funding around here, if you don’t qualify for CHC – it’s illegal….
• If you complain, we suspend the care planning process until that complaint is closed
• The complaint system is the only remedy for a disagreement over a care plan
• We tell you, the providers, what to sell, and what the price of care ‘is’, and you all have to accept our prices, because we can put you out of business.

I look forward to seeing the report, but I am not holding my breath, because legal literacy is not yet an integral part of either the culture or ‘relational value base’ in health and social care, in my professional view.

In the meantime, if anyone wants advice about how to challenge any of the above stances, I offer training in Difficult Conversations, and give advice to individuals and organisations about what can be done if you’ve been affected by dubious decision-making on the part of statutory health or social care staff. I can be contacted by way of or on this site.

Analysis of the Court of Appeal’s judgment in Luke Davey’s unsuccessful Care Act case

Court of Appeal – Davey judgment is the link to the judgment of the Court of Appeal – in the first case to reach this level, so far, under the Care Act.

Mr Davey has (not surprisingly, it has to be said, with all due respect to his legal team) lost his case. It is important that service users and social workers and advocates should understand why, I would suggest.

The facts of this man’s case are set out in an earlier blog post on this site (Search Luke Davey in the search box) so I won’t go over them again.

Suffice to say that Mr Davey was assessed and planned for (after the ILF element of his package was terminated) on the footing that he could, in the Council’s view, safely spend more time alone without the benefit of a personal assistant (PA) being present. Secondly, it was determined that he both could and should reduce the amount which he chooses to pay to his PAs, who were largely members of his own family.

Mr Davey had indicated through lawyers that he was not willing to accept the reduced weekend rate, the reduction in the day rate for the two main carers, nor the payment at standard rate on bank holidays. The council’s position was that as regards carers’ terms and conditions, there was no evidence that carers would leave – as the two main carers had withdrawn their resignations, and the minimum wage of £7.20 and the £40 night shift rate were compatible with rates many other service users were paying.

It is important to note that the care planning for time alone for Mr Davey before the case was started had been suggested to be phased in and to increase gradually.

The plan had extended the duration of such periods from 2 hours, once a week, to 5 hours on 4 days a week, and 5.5 hours alone on 3 days of the week, costed out on the rates for PA attendance, from time to time, not live-in care. This time alone would go up, eventually, to 6.5 hours a day. At the outset of the phasing / tapering period there was to be care for 19 hours per day, reducing to 17.5 hours from January 2016 onwards.

From May 2016, the hours of care per day were increased slightly to 18 hours and the weekday rate was increased to £7.20 due to the increase in the minimum wage from April 2016, but the weekend rate was further reduced to £9 per hour.

There was thus no increase in the personal budget.

These suggested timings as part of his revised care plan and budget were because the assessor and planner thought that Luke “risks loss of independence and autonomy as although he lives in his own home, he has become dependent on carers and family to meet his needs”.

In the next column of the documentation for care planning it was said that this risk could be: “Managed by carers encouraging Luke to do as much as possible for himself, within safe limits. …”.

The council specifically denied that its view of the right time for him to be left alone, had been driven or constricted by funding (which is perhaps hard to believe when the hours went up but the rates went down and kept the budget within the initial planned limits!).

The grounds for appeal, and the Court’s approach:

– The council had failed to consider the effect of the Claimant being expected to spend three periods of two hours per day alone upon his ability to engage in social activities; that constituting a breach of Section 1 of the Care Act 2014 or another unlawful act of some sort;

– Mr Davey contended that anxiety from being alone was not identified as a risk arising from any reduction in carers’ time. So it was alleged that the council did not have regard to the need to ensure that decisions about the Claimant were made having regard to all the Claimant’s individual circumstances and thus did not act in compliance with its duty under Section 1(3)(d) of the 2014 Act;

– The Defendant failed to evidence its contention that the proposed rates for personal assistants providing care to the Claimant were reasonable or compatible with its obligations under the 2014 Act.

Since then it was reported that Mr Davey does now successfully spend three periods of two hours each day alone; and also that two new carers have joined the Claimant’s team, each paid at the (current) minimum wage of £7.50 per hour.

The Court was clearly impressed by the first instance judgment, as appears here, in a passage where the Court confirms that the legal framework in the Care Act does indeed have implications for the lawful practice of adults’ social work teams and care management staff:

52. The judge (Morris J) made the following observations on this sub-section with which I would agree. First, the assessment duty is a duty upon the local authority and the assessment under s 9(1)(a) and (b) is an objective assessment made by the local authority (usually acting through its social workers or occupational therapist). Secondly, under s 9(4), there is no duty to achieve the outcomes which the adult wishes to achieve; rather it is a duty to assess whether the provision of care and support could contribute to those outcomes. On the other hand if, in the course of a needs assessment, the local authority does not assess the matters specified in s.9(4) (including the impact on well-being matters set out in s.1(2)), then there is a breach of the statutory duty.

That confirmation is GOOD for anyone interested in the rule of law in adult social care, it is suggested, and together with the Merton judgment, covered in another post on this site (search Merton in the search box) makes it easy to challenge an indefensible assessment, at least by those who take the time and trouble to use the legal framework.

The UN Convention point – on independent living rights in article 19

Mr Davey’s lawyer got nowhere on this point either, and neither did the third party interventions by way of written submissions from the EHRC and the charity, Inclusion.

The judge had found that it was irrelevant because there was no ambiguity in the Care Act which admitted of even interpretative assistance by reference to article 19, the UN Convention being merely an unincorporated international treaty which, absent incorporation, creates no direct obligations in UK domestic law and setting out aspirational provisions which cannot qualify the clear language of primary legislation.

“Mr Burton did not argue that there was any error in the judge’s conclusion that Article 19 of the UNCRPD did not assist the Claimant’s case.

I have set out the judge’s conclusions on this topic only because the EHRC, in their written submissions lodged as interveners in this court, argued that “the decision of the Respondent in this case, and the judgment of Mr Justice Morris upholding that decision, goes against the principles of Article 19 of the UNCRPD”. I need say no more in the present case than that, with respect to the EHRC, the judge’s analysis seems to me entirely correct.

But this should not prevent the argument being advanced in a future case where it is the subject of adversarial argument by the parties.”

The issue about the consideration of the impact of a change in care regime

The judge had agreed that the assessment finding that a major change would carry significant risks in fact represented Ms Lovelock the social worker’s view and not only the Claimant’s own assertion.

This Court agreed that the reference to a “major change” which in her view would carry “significant risks” was a change to a live-in carer rather than a change in the team of PAs, which was not a change in regime to which the council had actively tried to budget down.

Like the judge at first instance, this Court was of the view that the budget was based on a team of PAs, not necessarily the current ones preferred by Mr Davey.

The social worker had explained that she thought that changes in the Claimant’s current care team would be positive for the Claimant and his emotional wellbeing, enabling him to reduce dependence upon specific carers. This would be unsettling in the short term, but bring important benefits in the longer term.

This Court agreed that this would have been inconsistent with a concern about significant risk, but that was explained away as having been about a potential change to a live in regime. This Court was quite satisfied, as had been the first instance judge, that the view about the positive implications was a genuinely held view. The lead judge (Bean L.J.) said this:

“It does seem counter-intuitive to me, at least if one is referring to a complete or substantial break-up of the team who have looked after the Claimant for so long; but I am not an expert in the field, and I cannot possibly say that the view expressed by Ms Lovelock is irrational. In any event, if the judge was entitled, as I have held that he was, to find that there was no sufficient evidence that the existing team of PAs would break up, the issue of whether or not that would be a positive move in reducing the Claimant’s dependence on them, simply does not arise.

Lady Justice Thirlwall added this:

“Like Bean LJ, I find it difficult to see how a change in the team could be thought to be beneficial but in the light of the judge’s findings about the likelihood of this I say no more about it. The very significant reduction in the Claimant’s personal budget was reached at the end of a lawful process, as the judge found.”

The day trips point

The Court said this:

“83. In an early witness statement Ms Lovelock stated that “it is only during the proceedings that the issue of Mr Davey going on day trips has been raised”. There is a degree of ambiguity in the phrase “day trips”, but if it means trips lasting all day, it is right to say that such trips, other than to the Claimant’s parents, hardly feature at all in the contemporaneous evidence. The judge was entitled to make the findings of fact which he did in the paragraphs just cited, and on that basis to reject the claim under Ground 2c.

The minimum wage point

As regards how much to pay PAs, the Oxfordshire guidance for Direct Payments had stated thus:

“You must pay them at least the national minimum wage. On average, the typical hourly rate for a Personal Assistant is around £8.50 during the week and £11.05 at the weekend. …”

The national Care Act guidance says this:

“11.25 The Act states that the personal budget must be an amount that is the cost to the local authority of meeting the person’s needs.
In establishing the ‘cost to the local authority’, consideration should therefore be given to local market intelligence and costs of local quality provision to ensure that the personal budget reflects local market conditions and that appropriate care that meets needs can be obtained for the amount specified in the budget.
To further aid the transparency principle, these cost assumptions should be shared with the person so they are aware of how their personal budget was established.”

It may be that Oxfordshire would have liked to pay more than the minimum wage, and the judge had noted its own guidance found that a typical rate was in fact higher. But the judge said this, after the cuts had bitten on the council’s own ability to do what it would have liked.

“81. No one could criticise Sue Davey’s opinion that payment at minimum wage rates is a poor reward for a carer of her quality and experience. But as the statutory Guidance makes clear in paragraph 11.25 cited above, a personal budget should reflect local market conditions. The judge was plainly entitled to accept Ms Lovelock’s evidence about local market conditions in the area of the Claimant’s home, together with the indication that if those conditions change the Council would be bound to revisit the issue. The Claimant is in effect saying to the Council “(a) some of my carers are not prepared to work for the local going rate; (b) therefore, in order to maintain the continuity which I value, you must set my personal budget at a level which enables me to pay them more than that rate”.

I do not consider that it is unlawful for the Council to decline to do so. Ground 4 therefore fails.”

Commentary regarding the rates being paid for direct payment users

Readers should take special note of the emphasis in bold and italics before despairing about the rates being offered locally, by other councils in direct payment discussions.

This doesn’t mean that the council can ignore law or the evidence about the going rate, if it is higher than the national minimum, by dint of local determination on the part of providers; and nor if the specialist needs of the client are such that the minimum wage sort of employee isn’t going to be able to be seen to be competent in providing appropriate care to meet the actual needs of the individual in question.

The best way to draw this out is to demand a care plan should be produced, as per s25 of the Care Act, showing how the council would itself manage to commission appropriate care for the cost being offered, after allowing for the effect of direct employment savings, if the potential Direct Payment purchaser is going to become a direct employer and not use a DP to pay an agency, it is suggested.

Neither does it mean that the council can set a budget at a rate which disincentivises people from ever taking a direct payment, ie, paying less than the market would charge an individual purchaser, and only offering to pay that which a council would pay for a bulk/volume service from an agency trying to stay in business – because in taking such an attitude, the council would be wanting the benefits of getting people off of its books, whilst not taking into account the obvious and rational reasons why the rate to a person buying on their own might well be more than it would be, to a council buying in bulk.

And finally, this case cannot make it legal to deter a person from remaining on a direct payment by an offer ONLY to pay for the new interpretation of the minimum wage counting rules about night time work, ONLY if the client uses an approved provider of the council. The conditions that councils can lawfully attach to direct payments do not go that far, in the context of a direct payment being intended to maximise choice and flexibility, it is suggested.

Thoughts on the Law Commission’s LPS proposals to reform DoLS

Readers will have been poring over the Law Commission’s proposals since March 17th. They clearly represent an improvement on the first and second iterations but I think that there are some serious difficulties with a few of the underlying assumptions, and in this post I will focus on just one, having reviewed the positives.

Of course there are many practical and good points in the report:
– the inclusion of all settings, by dint of removing the link with any specific sort of setting;
– the inclusion of 16 and 17 year olds, regardless of where they are living;
– the bonding together of community care and health law planning functions and MCA decision-making, because it should always have been thus, given that a refusal to accept care might always have been an incapacitated one, requiring a best interests decision by the council or CCG;
– the placing of the responsibility for authorising DoLS where it should always have lain, ie with the public bodies bearing the duty to the person in the first place, for appropriate meeting of their needs;
– the ongoing inclusion of people without seriously aggressive tendencies within the paper based regime, even if they are capable of being seen as having a mental disorder;
– the broadening of scrutiny to the nature of the arrangements in total, and not merely a focus on the narrow question: does this regime amount to deprivation of liberty?;
– the extension of authorisations to respite settings and all sorts of transport and temporary arrangements.

The Law Commission heard from many consultees that the DoLS don’t work in practice because a council will only offer one sort of a setting for care, as a result of resources difficulties, such that there is no real scope for a BIA to say that DoL is not necessary and proportionate. Examples are given where the council refuses to meet the needs in the person’s own home, because of the cost, and the only choice is between an unwanted care home and less care than is needed in one’s own home.

Instead of exploring the role of the BIA, and the scope of the assessment required of them, and the underlying public law framework as to what would be a lawful alternative offer, the Law Commission has simply accepted that as the legal truth and then moved on to getting rid of the roles of the Supervisory Body, and the BIA and tweaking the proposed role of the Approved MCP, adding in an Independent Reviewer, en route, for simpler cases, whose role is simple audit of the paperwork.

This approach seriously underplays the possibility that an offer of a care package that is not adequate to meet needs would not be a lawful offer to make to a person who was withstanding persuasion to go into a care home. If an AMCP isn’t to be allowed to say that, then calling an AMCP independent makes a mockery of any notion of professional values and integrity, and yet it will be social workers who’ve still GOT those things who need to be AMCPs!!

The Commission could have adopted the approach in the KK case, where the CoP judge used the absence of spelt out practicable alternatives to the care home, as the bare minimum for a competent decision on incapacity in the first place, to refuse to authorise deprivation of liberty. Funding Panels should always have been considering the choice between two alternative adequate options in deciding best interests, not deriving a package from a budgetary ceiling, or telling social work staff to present ONE option for approval.

If one plays out the care home vs home care possibility in the context of an application under the new LPS, the independent reviewer would just do the review on the papers, and the Approved MCP would do a real review, including making a fresh determination as to whether the conditions for an authorisation are met, as a human rights public body in their own name, by dint of their statutory role.

The suggestion that this should be done without regard to resource considerations is in my view even less than a BIA can currently do. A brave BIA would never regard a regime of DoL as necessary and proportionate if there was a less restrictive option that would cost the commissioner ONLY a BIT more than was currently being paid. A brave BIA would simply refuse to say yes to the authorisation, and that would stop the DoLS authorisation.

I absolutely endorse the findings of the Supreme Court in N this year that the CoP is not the equivalent of the Administrative Law Court, and cannot exercise a supervisory jurisdiction over the rampant cost-saving wheezes often presented by councils as lawful care packages; but the CoP is as much a public authority as any other court and under the Human Rights Act, in this country, it has no right or capability to make best interests orders about packages that are not in accordance with the law of this country.

I therefore take the very firm view that a package being offered by a council that would be judicially reviewable in the Admin Court cannot be foisted onto the CoP as the only offer for the judge to have to say yes to, just because it is not in breach of a person’s specific human rights with regard to a pleaded s7 point.

I am not, please note, saying that the fact that it wasn’t in someone’s best interests, makes it unlawful in public law terms, in the CoP: I am not suggesting that the parents were acting rightly in trying to challenge the adequacy of the package by asking the CoP judge to determine whether it was in a person’s best interests first, in the CoP. I know enough public law to know that a public law decision is valid until it is declared otherwise.

What I am saying is that IF a package is seemingly indefensible in public law terms, (whether or not anyone has issued JR proceedings in the Admin Court, prior to going to the CoP, and whether as defendant or applicant for a CoP order), then a CoP judge has no power to lend best interests legitimacy to an offer of care that could or probably would be invalid for unreasonableness, illegality, procedural unfairness or a breach of human rights. The CoP judge cannot be put in that position, in my view, BECAUSE the package contents being in accordance with ‘the law’ is a pre-requisite for the exercise of decision making functions not resulting in an unjustified interference with article 5 or 8 human rights.

So, likewise – if an AMCP thinks that the package being offered offends against public law, I do not believe that she or he can legitimately put forward support for an LPS authorisation without abandoning his/her statutory purpose and function. It is a distinct decision-making role, not mere audit.The AMCP has no jurisdiction to make a decision that is not in accordance with the law.

If this degree of independence is intolerable, but nobody can come up with a set of steps that should and could be taken by the AMCP, then the LPS begin to disappear behind smoke and mirrors.

Where’s the best forum for all this accountability?

The irony is that no decision has even yet been made about whether a tribunal, versus the CoP, is the right forum for DoLS disputes in the new era. The obvious way of dealing with the converging systems of public and private law (for private law is what the MCA is actually all about, defences against torts of assault and trespass, after all) then one MUST have a tribunal, which can have an appellate jurisdiction based on error of LAW, as well as taking decisions of a CoP nature. Once one has got that far, one will HAVE to allow for an appeal against a care package, whether or not the issue involves MCA considerations.

Against that backdrop, and all of a sudden, because of the election, fresh mention was hurriedly made by the government about ‘a cap’ on care costs – presumably the same sort of a cap as envisaged by Andrew Dilnot. The implications of the Dilnot vision had already convinced the government that some sort of an appeal system would have to be created – for all those middle income people not happy with their first ever social care allocation or decision on eligibility when they’d been to the council to get their meter started.

The idea that one would be able to challenge one’s care plan on MCA grounds, to a tribunal, or to the CoP, but not challenge the rationality of one’s care plan, in even a formal appeal system to an outside decision-maker, or have to use judicial review, makes no sense to me.

A tribunal for ALL health and social care matters, where principled decision making is the heart of the job, would seem to me to be inevitable, now.

CCG focus: cost capping of CHC packages….oooh, let me at them!!

I have just heard of a CCG – owing formal Fast Track duty CHC services to a person in a deteriorating phase of a condition that could be terminal – suggesting that it can only pay for 56 hours a week of care, unless the family pays for night time care privately, or otherwise the person will have to go into a care home.

When asked for confirmation in writing, that 56 hours was a maximum, and that the CCG would leave the family to pay for night time care beyond the value of 56 hours, themselves, as if having needs at night could just be ignored, because of it being dark(!) and what was the legal source of the power to have any such policy, please? – the clinical assessors said that they could not do that.

I am not saying that there is a right to stay in your own home to die, on CHC. I am not saying that a person can just hold out for the care that they WANT, rather than the care that they are assessed as needing, simply based on preference. This is all funded out of public money…

BUT I AM saying that this CCG’s stance is the kind of stance that could be used as a platform for high profile and embarrassing precedent setting litigation on the basis of any number of public law principles that will be familiar to anyone who is already legally literate in this field:

a) it appears to be a blanket policy about the most that people owed a legal duty ‘need’ – without regard to the professional clinical assessor’s view of the individual’s actual needs – ie a budget led assessment, not a needs led one…

b) another way of seeing this is that it’s a blanket refusal to provide services to people with needs, at night, because of the commissioning inconvenience that care costs more at night.

c) it does not admit of any possibility that patients might be at a point in their condition whereby meeting their needs in a care home, as opposed to doing so IN their own home, would be an indefensible decision by a professional: for example, where it would be highly likely to de-skill them (ie final stages of recognising where one is, with dementia), trigger a psychotic phase (eg ignoring the effect of others on a person with a brain injury and a need for calm and quiet), separate a couple who still like each other after 50 years of togetherness, or who are genuinely co-dependent), or force a young dying parent to be separated from children for the last months of their life.

d) it ignores the fact that a person without mental capacity would still need a best interests decision by the CCG even if they themselves could not say no to the offer of a cheaper solution, a placement in a care home – because relatives DON’T have the right to obstruct access to services by refusing what’s offered, on behalf of someone else: the state still has a duty to decide what it is bound to DO!

e) it ignores human rights considerations, particularly article 8 rights – which although limited, still require to be conscientiously weighed against the costs of meeting the needs in the person’s preferred setting – and ‘conscientiously’ here, means carefully and with regard to all relevant considerations, and (of course) regard to an individual’s situation – not the knee-jerk application of a rule made up by a finance director.

f) it ignores the National Framework Guidance on working out what the CCG’s offer should be, starting with the individual’s preference – the guidance has been worded to allow for wriggle room, but it is still guidance which must be followed, unless the CCG wants to identify a really good reason why it should not!

g) it assumes that there will actually be sufficient care home places in the area for less than the cost cap, in which to pop people owed a duty – regardless of the challenges that might be involved in caring for the person in question – a potentially unsafe assumption nowadays, since care homes are beginning to ask ‘What’s the point?’ and throwing contracts back at public body purchasers…

h) it appears to regard Fast Track CHC arrangements as somehow separate and distinct from ordinary CHC packages, indicating a determination, perhaps, to review people smartly OFF of that status for free care services, in a few weeks time, if they still dare to survive!

so, CCGs have been warned – they need to get more legally literate, through training or legal advice, if they are going to stay out of the judicial review courts.

The guidance suggests that disputes about the content of a CHC package should be taken to the NHS complaints system. Unfortunately that overlooks the fact that in England, allegations of illegality, instead of incompetence, have always been allowed to be taken direct to the judicial review court.

The first ever proper plan to pay for sustainable social care? Hmmm. Cap it a Little? Or Cap it a Lot?

Warning: this is serious, informed commentary – not politics!

The Conservative Party’s proposals on social care [DID!] revolve around aligning the means testing rules for domiciliary and residential care charging.

Firstly this will mean that one’s share in the value of one’s house will be counted in the calculation of one’s means, even though one is still living in it – and needing to spend money on it, and despite living there alongside a partner and other family members. This will increase, markedly, the number of home owning and needy people, more of them elderly than any other kind of client, being charged significant or full cost for their care for the first time. It will make it much less sensible to pay off one’s mortgage, too!

The manifesto does not say anything about disregards of the house, or even about the State waiting for repayment where surviving partners or other family members living in the house are concerned. Jeremy Hunt must have said something about that in trailing the proposals the night before on TV, so he may know better – but if there is no provision for that disregard and deferral until other people’s later deaths, it stores up a tremendously divisive issue for the consultation that would have to be conducted first (well, AFTER the election, no doubt).

Secondly, it is proposed that everyone will be left with as much as £100,000 and receive care ‘for free’, after depletion of one’s assets to that much higher level than the current minimum threshold of £14,250, below which care is not paid for out of one’s capital at all.

The £100,000 referred to is to be ‘the floor’, according to the manifesto – not the ceiling, meaning that nobody will be paying for services out of capital with less than that sum. This section is replete with confusion.

Nothing was said about paying out of ongoing received income, as happens in a care home setting: Mrs May said ‘NOTHING will be paid [by elderly people] whilst they are still alive’ when launching the manifesto – so that aspect of the proposals will need careful attention at consultation.

The absence of any detail about an upper ceiling (if this is the floor) is puzzling: Mrs May referred to the new threshold as quadrupling the current one – seemingly referring to the UPPER threshold of £23,250. But that is not the point at which care becomes FREE at all (whatever journalists insist on writing in so-called ‘briefings’); it is the point above which one pays the FULL cost of one’s care in a care home, instead of getting ANY local authority subsidy, via a charge from the arranging council, for LESS than the full cost – and above which, one CAN lawfully be told to go off and buy it for oneself (unless one is mentally incapacitated).

So, either there has been a mistake there in the manifesto writing, and the new threshold is meant as a ceiling, below which one’s capital will still be counted as tariff income and thus relevant for ongoing charges for at least a further period, until one reaches a MINIMUM threshold – or it really is meant as a floor, and no ceiling is planned. That would make no sense.

Thirdly, the manifesto suggests the option of extending deferred payments for care, to cover home care costs – so that one can consent to placing a legal charge on one’s house for securing the loan to cover the cost but still stay at home and receive chargeable services, there.

However, these schemes can already be extended to home care, under the Care Act 2014 – in the discretion of the council, for that purpose, as well as for residential care, albeit that the value of the house is not currently counted. It is thought that the reason they are not used in this way, in practice, is because councils cannot afford to pay for care up front, at the low level of interest that the deferral is allowed to attract. We have heard more this week from various finance bodies saying local government would have to be allowed to borrow in order to finance this level of contracting up front for people for ALL that care – care home AND home care. It is hard enough for them to meet the demand for deferred payment schemes for residential care clients, and nothing has been said about the funding for local government of this new proposed level of loan under-writing obligations.

Fuelling deprivation of assets disputes?

The alignment of the two charging schemes immediately presents a strong incentive to pass the equity in one’s house ON to one’s closest relatives, before or very early on in one’s deterioration or concern about the future, and a nationwide crossing of one’s fingers that one’s offspring will ‘do the right thing’, if one becomes needy. The way in which a trend in that direction would fit with rules on tax on discretionary trusts set up during one’s lifetime is also a very difficult topic – a field day for lawyers.

The alternative is having faith in the idea that the State will still provide what could still be described as a decent safety net. If no changes to funding going INTO the sector are made alongside these proposals, that would be a risky bet for middle-aged Middle Englanders, of whom I am one!

Getting rid of one’s lifetime security, in order to preserve it for one’s offspring, will also give rise to more widespread accusations of deliberate deprivation of assets – and legal difficulties – because aligning the two charging systems would mean extending the current residential only ‘deliberate deprivation of assets’ provisions into the lives of less dependent people who are still trying to live normal lives in the community – where their money remains, in theory, their own, to spend as they like.

When people do choose to rely on the council for home care, they must still be able to spend their own money on their less pressing needs, or wants, and contend that it should be counted as disability related expenditure and thus get their charging assessments reduced – a point not covered in the manifesto, and one that will fuel much controversy, in practice.

The proposals would necessarily entail two further changes: regular revision of one’s financial assessment by reference to how much one actually has left, instead of notionally left – meaning many more charging officers need to be employed – and a proper national policy on the extent to which one can legitimately carry on treating oneself or one’s relatives to nice things and experiences, once one needs care.

This doesn’t sit well with the duty in the Care Act to promote well-being in all that a council does!! It doesn’t sit well either, with the Conservative ethos of ‘small government’!

This focus on who’s disposing of, or spending money, and how, and why, all the time, will likely turn councils into the enemy of many MORE of the people whom they are trying to support with care – the antithesis of the intentions of people who framed the Care Act to encourage people to look at the Council as an expert friend when in need, for everyone, no matter what their asset base.

A journalist asked Mrs May what the justification was for different financial consequences for people with parents suffering from dementia as opposed to those whose parents die suddenly of a heart attack, and she did not actually reply. That is where the reference in the press to a dementia tax comes from.

Another irony is that the well-off, with any chance of leaving £100,000, will probably take actual note of these provisions, whereas when the threshold was a very low one, the thought of turning to the State was probably not on their radar at all. The provisions and the very public debate about them, NOW, may well alert the better off to the financial advantages of claiming NHS Continuing Health Care, as a means of scotching the social care charges altogether – especially in cases of chronic long term degenerative diseases such as dementia.
That is not what any health and social care integration project really needs right now, as conflicts over a bright line between the two statuses are the very quickest way to personality-driven hostilities between generally poorly informed staff at that interface, in CCGs, CSUs and councils.

Deferred payment schemes and the absence of financial services products through which to finance alternative options for buying care

Nobody has to sell their property even NOW, under the current legal framework, to fund their care.

Deferred Payment Schemes

There are already deferred payment schemes in operation, secured by a charge on the property, when a person needs to pay for care in a care home. Stephen Webb has FOI’d councils this week and found vast differences in the extent to which a deferred payment would seem to be available in the real world, although it is a mandatory option for someone who wants one and qualifies with regard to sufficient equity in their property. So the legislation already makes councils the behind-the-scenes owners of properties with low interest rates, and makes them have to pay the costs of care up front. For people preferring to stay in their own home, the sad fact is that insurance or bond-based products have not been forthcoming from the financial services and equity release market for people to buy into.

I think that that is partly because of the impossibility of distinguishing between a want and a need, let alone between what should be free response by community health care services to an NHS health care need, and what should be chargeable as social care if provided by the State. The insurance market doesn’t have the public law legal acumen to become embroiled in that sort of debate, especially not if replicated in hundreds of distressed households up and down the country.

No detail has been given about how the commercial attractiveness of the notion can actually be increased for the market’s providers; and without that, people won’t be able to avoid lumbering their partners and families with the cost of care.

Carers’ Unpaid Leave…

Finally, a new statutory entitlement to carers’ leave – unpaid – is promised – so that one can be assured of a return to work when compassionate leave is no longer needed, will be seen to hurt business in terms of skills loss. It will force more people on to Carers’ Allowance, too, as they have to live on something, and put up assessment and personal budget numbers for carers under the Care Act.

But the greater concern is surely the disproportionate impact on women, and gender equality in society generally?

It is still the position in this country that women are more often carers than men, and women are often the lower paid of a couple, making it make sense for the woman to be the one who gives up work.

I think that the underlying economic reality is that carers, in the main, women, will be persuaded for the good of their families they must go back to being the heart of the home and provide the care, or even stay with a partner whom they no longer wish to be with, in order to preserve the assets for the children.

What was not mentioned in the manifesto?

No commitments with regard to clarifying the ambiguity as to the sleep-in time counting rules, for national minimum wage levels – which are crippling the sector at the moment, and embarrassing HMRC inspectors; no commitment to banning councils from commissioning from agencies that use zero hours contractors or agencies that don’t pay the living wage. And no mention of putting back any of the funding that has been taken out over the last 5 years, and contributed to the crisis that the sector is in, so far as insufficient money even to meet statutory duties is concerned. No reference to THE CAP, until we were later told it was there all the time, in the backs of the authors’ minds…

Further comments

Post code differentials

Local Authorities use national guidance with minimal underpinning in regulations, for charging for home care services. They are allowed to use their discretion and local charging schemes vary. Aligning the approach to the counting of one’s house towards the means assessment, is not going to change local variations in other respects so care costs will still depend on where one lives and the politics of one’s local area.

Is this a resurrection of the Dilnot proposals?

The Care Act Dilnot provisions, deferred until 2020 after the last elections, involved a different kind of a concept to a floor below which your money would be left in your hands: it advised a cap on the maximum amount of notional spend a council’s client (OR a privately contracting ‘above threshold’ person needed to have spent on them, in relation to their needs, before care would become free (the cap having been settled last time round at £72,000). So the rich did well out of that, and could do even better if they accepted coming through the council’s arrangements after getting the meter ticking, by benefiting from the council’s bulk purchasing power to obtain a lower fee for care.

Before the U-turn, under the Conservative proposals, a person who was rich but ill for a very long time would not have got the benefit of any cap on their care costs – not even notionally through a local authority objectively assessed rate, nor in real terms.

Now, after the U-turn, it appears that the Conservatives have been reminded that even deferring the Dilnot lifetime cap until 2020 had already attracted much criticism first time round, and that it is an essential feature to offer to UPPER Middle England – to people who might like to keep £100,000 of equity, and not risk their spouse having to downsize if surviving them, AND wish to spread the cost of what will otherwise be insurance across the whole population. Even though the ‘upper threshold’ was going to be £118,000 under Dilnot, and the cap on a person’s spend, £72,000. It seems that there is no prospect of the population being told WHAT the spend might be – Mrs May even mentioned £10K to Andrew Neill, which CANNOT possibly be correct!! So I wonder who is making this stuff up, personally.

A problem for the Conservative dogmatist however, is this.

The Dilnot provisions would have impacted on the care home market and got rid of the private client subsidy – by giving everyone, however rich, an irresistibly economically rational incentive to use the local authority route into social care.

That would have meant central government would have had to have provided more funding to local authorities to meet the overall ‘bubble-up’ costs of the policy. This would have been needed to keep the sector afloat once the private subsidy evaporated – although in that one-off measure, one of the greatest iniquities operating in the sector could have been got rid of. That was its genius. And that was why it was almost bound to be dropped – no political party, let alone the one last elected, was willing to put up taxes for the ‘Cinderella’ service of social care.

A £100,000 ‘floor’ will not achieve that effect – there was no mention of a meter for one’s notional costs, or maximum SPEND – so there would have been no need or reason to entrust the shopping for one’s care, to one’s council, in order to start any meter towards a cap, running. It would have left better off people – culturally disdainful of social services perhaps – with more reason to make the choice of buying care in privately – if they wanted to spend their own money – rather than having the council control the question of whether they are eligible at all, and the size of their care packages, subject only to judicial review.

I guess that would have kept the numbers down for social services, and would have fitted with the fact that they are all severely under-staffed after 8 years of austerity, even now.

But if we ARE now having a cap, and it is going to be a sort of Dilnot cap, the idea of Upper Middle and Middle England submitting to social services assessment, and a notional spend, without anyone ever challenging the local authority view through public law proceedings, is about as likely as the Conservatives losing the election. The 4.5 billion taken out of social care would HAVE to be put back into it for more staff, more training, and an appeal system, if not a tribunal.

For extreme anoraks, that’s a really interesting prospect whilst the Government has STILL got to come off the fence about a Tribunal for all the Liberty Protection Safeguards challenges that might be better off dealt with there rather than in the Court of Protection. Isn’t life interesting?

The conclusions from the Warehousing and Cost-Capping webinar

Here is a reduced size powerpoint with the conclusions, in legal terms, about the dodginess or otherwise of warehousing and cost capping

Warehousing and Cost Capping Legal Principles – conclusions

And for those who want to purchase the full length recording, and reasoning behind the conclusions, all you need to do is to write to me at for a coupon code which will discount the price of a recording of the event (opens 6 times) to £50 + VAT.

Purchasing the recording keeps the materials private, and protected, given the effort it’s taken me to get good at this topic, and the absence of any government funding! It also enables you to pause the recording and see the materials.

All proceeds from this particular webinar are going to CASCAIDr, my new venture, launching soon, as a free legal advice charity, to try to stop the rot in legal literacy! 🙂

Is ‘warehousing’ in Care Homes actually unlawful?

I’ve been surprised at the furore going on in the HSJ and Guardian, this last week, about the most juicy and important test case issue of our time: the question of the rights and wrongs – in legal terms – of a public body’s offering someone a care home place because it is cheaper than keeping them at home. And then offering them the lower sum of money of the two settings, if the person is intransigent enough to say no, because they’d prefer to stay at home and be cared for there….

I say I’m surprised because it’s been going on for at least 15 years, in local authority land, for people who used to be referred to as ‘the elderly’ – but never scrutinised in the Administrative Court, on a judicial review that’s been allowed to go to judgement. No precedent has ever been set, therefore.

I have been punting around the possibility of my airing a reasoned and legally well-informed answer amongst all the interested journalistic parties – for one thing only, in return, if they can’t PAY for what is a proper analysis: publicity for the charity that I am about to launch – a charity that will provide free legal advice to a specific group of people, and get funds raised for them through crowd-funding so that they don’t need legal aid, and then even front their cases with them from time to time, so that they can’t be bought off at the last minute.

I haven’t had any offers yet, mind you! Is that because proper legal analysis is considered boring, or puts an end to the column inches one can generate by emoting? Goodness knows.

So I am thinking of doing a webinar about it. Not for a customer with an agenda, but for the sheer faith I have, that people working in the sector will actually be interested.

I will say this about the issue though: the legality or otherwise of ‘warehousing’, as it’s being somewhat emotively called – would be a big ask for the charity to take up, as its first ‘public’ cause for actual litigation, because it’s a genuinely moot point, in legal terms. It depends on oh so very many of the specific circumstances of the person on the receiving end of such largesse from a council or a CCG – and it could go either way, depending on the specific case that is chosen for a challenge.

The funny thing is that it’s been going on in social care for at least 15 years. No council has ever allowed itself to be judicially reviewed, for doing it, and that suggests to me that they’ve had legal advice that has convinced them that they were probably on a sticky wicket.

But that was under the pre-Care Act law, and times is tough, now: LAs AND CCGs are getting closer to the edge, and someone is bound to think it’s worth the fight, and the risk of setting a precedent, sooner or later.

Being very comfortable with public law principles, I think that I know what the answer is, and why. And I can identify the case law to back it up.

So here is an offer, and only slightly tongue in cheek, given the way England seems to work these days:

Given that even legally literate people need to eat, I’m wondering whether anyone would anyone like to BID for the story, in terms of money or publicity for the charity? As a sort of friendly start-up donation? 🙂

It would be a completely neutrally written piece, because the answer would only be a set of thoughts about public law, defensible decision-making and legal literacy, not a real case. It might save thousands of pounds of court fees, and who knows what it would do for the people affected by such policies, and the reputations of the managers espousing them?

I am hoping that this RANT by me, has got the sector interested in what needs to be done about the sector-wide lack of legal literacy fogging up strategic thinking! And that a webinar has got to be a better idea for getting the word out there….

So here it is: 16th Feb, 2pm for just over an hour. Please send me questions or thoughts in advance, by commenting on this post, below, Here is the link: IS warehousing in a care home actually unlawful? Free webinar 16 Feb 2pm

Please Tweet to me @BelindaSchwehr or message me on as to whether it should be free or not – maybe free if you just want to listen, but chargeable if you want the recording? Or should it just go up on YouTube, and we’ll see whether any LA or CCG changes its plans? I gather one has done so already, since Fleur Perry’s FOI question revealed the facts about the extent of the practice. And then I’d be happy to send you stuff about the charity too.

The charity is going to be called CASCAIDr – standing for the Centre for Adult Social Care – Advice, Information and Dispute Resolution – and I am looking forward to prising those legal floodgates open soon! #CASCAIDr, naturally.

CASCAIDr will write letters before action in proper Pre Action Protocol Form, to councils and CCGs thought to be breaking the law, in many more ways than just in terms of cost-capping. It will support people to crowdfund on CrowdJustice if these letters make no difference. It will not accept service contracts from any public body, because we all know what can happen to a body’s independence and assertiveness, when service provision becomes the means of remaining viable. It will be a hub for preserving what is good for citizens in the legal framework, and reinvigorate some sort of respect for the rule of law, perhaps, which is something that we ALL need, in extremely difficult times.